The many faces of Angela Merkel


Bruxelles, 13 ottobre 2015. Discorso di Barbara Spinelli in occasione della proiezione del film “The Godmother” diretto da Stelios Kouloglou (GUE/NGL-Syriza, Grecia).

Gertrud Höhler, the author of the book “Die Patin” – “The Godmother” – says: there is a mystery surrounding Angela Merkel. A mystery because she wins and wins elections, without never offering any great vision, because she so manifestly lacks any emotion even looking back at the years in the German Democratic Republic – she was a mere observer, she never participated in a single demonstration in the months before the fall of the Berlin Wall – but still she never stops having success in politics and being popular in her country.

The film of Stelios Kouloglou shows very well this contradiction: it does this with humour, sarcasm and dramatic images of the devastating effects of Merkel’s austerity in Greece and in the other countries tamed by the troika.

I will try to sum up those contradictions since they are at the very essence of Merkel’s success, and constantly reveal a sort of double nature of the Chancellor. First of all, she always seemed to me a mixture of inflexibility, indecision, extreme cunning, and supreme mediocrity. The same person uses the indifference to values as a weapon, as asserted by Gertrud Höhler speaking in her book of the Chancellors systematic “value-abstinence”. At the same time she is able to literally devour one German political party after the other (first the party fashioned by Helmut Kohl, then the Spd, lastly the Greens with the exit from the nuclear energy; in the future she could even destabilise Die Linke on refugees policies). Finally, her mediocrity: it’s a talent she brings, sometimes and deliberately, to the extremes. It’s a talent well represented in the documentary of Stelios by her trivial remarks on holidays, or by what she said once about the German Democratic Republic (DDR) where she grew up: “What is most disturbing, in the DDR, is the fact that there is no decent yogurt”. That’s what she remembers of her adult life in the German communist system.

She can be arrogant and even cruel, as demonstrated by the negotiations with the Greek government on the memoranda. At the same time, she is the only European leader who tries to have sensible and rational policies on migrants. She is not only the “undercover Chancellor” described by Gertrud Höhler but she really is a two-faced person, if the circumstances so demand.

There are two sentences which show her amphibious nature. One of these is quoted in the film of Stelios Kouloglou, and it concerns the memorandum negotiated with Athens when George Papandreou was Prime Minister: “It must hurt!”, “Es muss wehtun!”. It is a terrible symbol of the austerity years. The other was pronounced in the most dramatic days of migrant’s influx, in the first half of October, when she opened the doors of her country to Syrian asylum seekers. In that occasion, she did not hesitate to clash with the right wing of her party. And she avoided the word “migrants”, preferring the more appropriate word “refugees”. She was sure of what she said: “Wir schaffen es!”. Which is the German equivalent of “Yes we can!”.

What is the link between the two sentences, apparently so divergent one from the other? They both lack any European dimension and vision. As far as austerity is concerned, the German dogma states that every country must fulfill its “homework” alone, before a real solidarity and transnational cooperation can begin: it’s the core of German ordo-liberalism. With regard to migration, she says something similar: Germany can cope with all on its own. Consequently, it means that all Member States can cope with everything on their own. Only en passant she admits that the European Dublin System is dead and gone, that the Union as such must change its whole approach on asylum policies. She has an enormous self-esteem and opinion of her country. She is substantially nationalist, in economy as well as in refugee and migration policy.

German newspapers reacted harshly to her slogan “Yes we can!”. Only two days after she uttered the sentence, they began to headline articles saying that she couldn’t at all: “No we can’t” – “ Wir schaffen es nicht”. Now she focuses all her attention, in the European Council’s meeting, on repatriation policies and on the control of the EU borders. How many Merkels are acting on the stage?

Need to help Greece as soon as possible

di mercoledì, Agosto 26, 2015 0 , , , Permalink

by Barbara Spinelli


Jean-Claude Juncker, President of the European Commission

Mr. Dimitris Avramopoulos, Commissioner for Migration, Home Affairs and Citizenship

Mr. Christos Stylianides, Commissioner for Humanitarian Aid & Crisis Management

August 26, 2015

Dear President,

Dear Commissioners,

There are many countries in need of solidarity due to the strong influx of migrants and asylum seekers, but Greece – since years in deep crisis and recession – struggles more than any other country and to an intolerable level to handle the reception of refugees: 160,000 from January to August 2015, as reported by the UN. An increase of 750% compared to 2014. Thousands of migrants are blocked at the border between Greece and former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (fYROM), violently rejected by the authorities of of Skopje.

The European director of UNHCR describes the situation of migrants in Europe as “the worst” he has seen in thirty years of experience in humanitarian matters. Pope Francis has equated rejections of migrants to “acts of war”.

The European Commission decided in August 2015 the allocation of special funds to assist countries in major difficulty, on the basis of Article 79 TFUE. For 2014-2020, Greece is expected to receive 260 million euro from the Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund (AMIF), and 195 million from the Internal Security Fund (ISF) [1].

It seems, however, that the first payments are slow to come, as admitted on August 17 by Commissioner Avramopoulos in an interview to Italian newspaper “La Repubblica” [2]. Great Britain has already received the due aid.

We ask:

  • Is the Commission aware of the harm caused by any delay in payment, considering the dramatic situation of abandonment in which refugees find themselves in the Greek islands?
  • Does the Commission consider sufficient the numbers allocated, considering such a high increase in migration?
  • How will the decision taken by the European Council on 25-26 June be implemented, regarding the relocation of 16,000 asylum seekers from Greece to other Member States?


[2] Dimitris Avramopoulos: “Arrivano i soldi Ue per i profughi ma dopo averli salvati fate di più”

Barbara Spinelli
Molly Scott Cato
Fabio De Masi
Marie Christine Vergiat
Martina Michels
Tania Gonzalez Penas
Kuneva Kostadinka
Kostas Chrysogonos
Julie Ward
Raymond Finch
Liliana Rodrigues
Ernest Maragall
Bronis Ropė
Tanja Fajon
Alfred Sant
Nessa Childers
Ana Maria Gomes
Becerra Basterrechea
Nicola Caputo
Miguel Urban Crespo
Aldo Patriciello
Tatjana Ždanoka
Eleonora Forenza
Edouard Martin
Elena Valenciano
Knut Fleckenstein
Eleftherios Synadinos
Bilbao Barandica Izaskun
Sylikiotis Neoklis
Lola Sánchez Caldentey
Monika Vana
Jude Kirton-Darling
Maite Pagazaurtundúa Ruiz
Josep-Maria Terricabras
Lynn Boylan
Matt Carthy
Liadh Ní Riada
Martina Anderson
Fredrick Federley
Igor Šoltes
Elly Schlein
Karima Delli
Michèle Rivasi
Marita Ulvskog
Anna Hedh
Dario Tamburrano
Ignazio Corrao
Caterina Chinnici
Manolis Kefalogiannis
Margrete Auken
Claude Rolin
Maria Heubuch
Helmut Scholz
Dietmar Köster

Greeks, don’t give in to the EU’s austerity ultimatum

di martedì, Giugno 30, 2015 0 , , , , Permalink

Over the past five years, the EU and the IMF have imposed unprecedented austerity on Greece. It has failed badly. The economy has shrunk by 26%, unemployment has risen to 27%, youth unemployment to 60% and the debt-to-GDP ratio jumped from 120% to 180%. The economic catastrophe has led to a humanitarian crisis, with more than 3 million people on or below the poverty line.

Against this background, the Greek people elected the Syriza-led government on 25 January with a clear mandate to put an end to austerity. In the ensuing negotiations, the government made it clear that the future of Greece is in the eurozone and the EU. The lenders, however, insisted on the continuation of their failed recipe, refused to discuss a writedown of the debt – which the IMF is on record as considering unviable – and finally, on 26 June, issued an ultimatum to Greece by means of a non-negotiable package that would entrench austerity. This was followed by a suspension of liquidity to the Greek banks and the imposition of capital controls.

In this situation, the government has asked the Greek people to decide the future of the country in a referendum to be held next Sunday. We believe that this ultimatum to the Greek people and democracy should be rejected. The Greek referendum gives the European Union a chance to restate its commitment to the values of the enlightenment – equality, justice, solidarity – and to the principles of democracy on which its legitimacy rests. The place where democracy was born gives Europe the opportunity to recommit to its ideals in the 21st century.

Etienne Balibar
Costas Douzinas
Barbara Spinelli
Rowan Williams
Immanuel Wallerstein
Slavoj Zizek
Michael Mansfield
Judith Butler
Alain Badiou
Chantal Mouffe
Saskia Sassen
Homi Bhabha
Wendy Brown
Eric Fassin
Tariq Ali
Ed Vulliamy
Christoff Menke
Dipesh Chakrabarti 
Claudia Moatti
Eduardo Cadava
Jean Comaroff
Daniel Loick
Marcus Rediker
Claudia Moatti
Ramin Jahanbegloo
Rajeswari Sunder Rajan
Lynne Segal 
Sandro Mezzadra
Walter Mignolo 
Joanna Bourke
Catherine Malabou
Fethi Benslama
Andreas Fischer-Lescano
Dirk Setton
Georg Lohmann
Lydia Liu 
Saree Makdisi
Stathis Gourgouris
Robin Celikates
Emily Apter
Kate Hudson
Dirk Quadflieg
Giacomo Marramao
Engin Isin
Pheng Cheah
Carlos M Herrera
Alfonso Iacono
Ariella Gross
Paddy McDaid
Robert Meister
Iain Chambers
Neni Panourgia
James Tully
Margarita Tsomou
Isidoros Diakides
Liza Thompson
Paul McNee
Sionaidh Douglas-Scott 
Bruce Robbins
Josef Früchtl
Alan Norries
Antonios Tzanakopoulos
Nicolas Countouris
Keith Ewing
Manfred Weiss
Akbar Rasulov
Gleider Hernández
Matthew Happold
Johan van der Walt
Kerem Oktem
Sandra Gonzalez-Bailon
Umut Oszu
Mavluda Sattorova
Gentian Zyberi
Richard Collins
Thomas Skouteris
Thanos Zartaloudis
Aris Katzourakis
Eleni Stamou
Gkikas Magiorkinis
Elinor Payne
Pari Skamnioti,
Ebru Soytemel
Eva Nanopoulos
Ilias Plakokefalos

Athens, Europe

di mercoledì, Giugno 3, 2015 0 , , , Permalink

GUE/NGL study days in Athens 2th – 4th June

Tuesday, June 2ndPeriphery Debts: Causes, consequences and solutions

3rd panel: “Standing with the Greeks for a European Alternative

Barbara Spinelli’s speech (Versione italiana)

Ever since the crisis has affected Europe we got used to say that the Union has utilised Greece as a guinea-pig. (This is perhaps the reason why the term “Pig-countries” is used…) The guinea-pig needed to be subjected to an intensive therapy of austerity measures and the treatment had to be administered by a powerful oligarch – the trojka – which presented itself as a European entity, even federal, despite its inter-national nature due to the inclusion of the Monetary Fund. The existence of a “Greek laboratory” has been fully confirmed by the negotiations that started between Syriza on one side and the Union and the Monetary Fund on the other side, since the party won the elections on January 25.

Now it is time to examine in depth the current situation. We need to understand the root causes that generated this five-year “experimentation”, its purpose and what it can tell us about Europe. The aim of the experiment is getting clearer: a technical-political oligarchy is currently using Greece to enhance its own disciplinary power in the Union, by testing a specific – de-constitutionalised and de-parliamentarised – model of democracy. I would like to focus on this de-constitutionalisation, in order to understand why these experimenters continue to support not only the need, but the effectiveness of their test, while being aware of the fact that the effectiveness of the cure is more than dubious and that the Union is actually falling apart. In 2013 the Monetary Fund for the first time confessed that its estimates regarding the effects of austerity on growth and occupation were wrong, and yet the IMF too is sticking to its doctrines.

From the point of view of EU authorities, the experiment has been successful since it reached its primary target. Democracies and national constitutions are gradually eroded and, most important, universal suffrage is becoming an annoying variable that can be bypassed or sacrificed. In the hierarchy of priorities, effectiveness and governability are replacing representativeness, and this coup de main is made possible by the identification of national sovereignty with popular sovereignty. As a consequence, the ever-increasing loss of national sovereignties since the two world wars drags citizens’ sovereignty into the abyss. This collapse of national sovereignties is generally presented as a precondition for a federal development of the Union, but a Federation is far from being a reality. Therefore, sovereignty simply evaporates and the powers which rule globalisation – hastily called markets – prevail.

In a truly federal union, the negotiations between Athens and the European Union would rest on a totally different basis. In an European “agorà”, the arguments presented by the Greek government would count, and prevail on the power of each single State. In a Federation, a Member State would not be punished for its debt by way of its exclusion from the federal institutions and their currency. Federations do exist in order to avoid precisely this risk.

The fact is that Europe is experiencing an extraordinary regression and this is the real ongoing experiment. The Greek case is used in order to question the post-war idea that Europe could prevail on the old balance of nationalist powers – a balance of power which caused the world wars of the last century – in two ways: first, by creating a permanent solidarity bond among the States, while preserving popular sovereignty as the basis of constitutional democracies and, second, by turning the fight against poverty (Welfare) into the cornerstone of the new Community. The new oligarchic Europe, which is flourishing through the crisis, is led by a “postnational federalism of the executives” – quoting Habermas – and this Directory is responsible for the entropy we are facing: Parliaments are progressively disempowered and European unity is gradually losing its political dimension, if not disappearing.

The entropy of the European Union is not a new condition. It started in the 70’s, when the Trilateral Commission entrusted three political analysts with the task of drafting the vademecum of the de-constitutionalised democracy in order to make democracy “governable”. I am speaking about the report written in 1975 by Michel Crozier, Samuel Huntington e Joji Watanuki, titled «The crisis of democracy ». Today there is much debate on managed democracy, talking about Putin’s autocracy. The truth is that we ourselves are living under forced administration. What we are facing is a revival – that’s the reason why I spoke about an “extraordinary regression” – of the nineteenth-century aggression against universal suffrage which raged when Great Britain decided to gradually extend the right to vote. Such extension was the enemy to destroy, since it jeopardised the old establishment. Approximately at that time, the same approach was adopted against the first hesitant attempts aimed at introducing Welfare rules which ought to stem social damages created by the industrial liberal revolution. Both enfranchisement and welfare did represent a threat for the “protected” élite and, consequently, for the authority of governments.

The Greek case reveals that Europe is not in construction but, on the contrary, in de-construction. The orthodoxy on which the de-construction is grounded remains untouched, since it represents a political theology: no single element of the dogma can be be questioned without contesting the power apparatus which enunciated it. The infallibility of the dogma is intrinsically linked to the permanence of that power apparatus. For this reason, something is rotten in the State of Europe.

Finally, something is rotten in the creation and management of the euro too. And once again we find the same mistake: Europe decides to unify an important sector – the currency, or one day the defence – without creating at first a political unity as well as a democratic constitution which allow citizens to exercise control over the newly deployed super-national sovereignties. Despite its ongoing failure, the model is proposed over and over again by Europe, which deems it the most “pragmatic” hence the most effective. It is actually the most destructive model, as already stated in 1971 by the economist Nicholas Kaldor – repeatedly quoted by Yanis Varoufakis – when speaking about the economic and monetary union (the so-called Werner Plan) proposed at that time. His words are prophetic: «Some day the nations of Europe may be ready to merge their national identities and create a new European Union – the United States of Europe. (…) This will involve the creation of a “full economic and monetary union”. But it is a dangerous error to believe that monetary and economic union can precede a political union or that it will act – in the words of the Werner report – ‘as a leaven for the evolvement of a political union which in the long run it will in any case be unable to do without’. For if the creation of a monetary union and Community control over national budgets generates pressures which lead to a breakdown of the whole system it will prevent the development of a political union, not promote it».

His words should be reminded to those who like to imagine the future European “governance” while congratulating themselves for the current political choices. I would like to mention in this context the speech delivered on March 26 by Mario Draghi at the Italian Parliament. Quite rightly, he asserts that the original flaw of the common currency has consisted in the creation, as a first step, of rules – economic and financial, fatally ignored as he says by the majority – instead of common institutions (I assume federal institutions). Hence his wish: “replace a system grounded on rules with a different system based on stronger institutions”.

At first sight, his wish echoes Kaldor’s words. Actually, it doesn’t echo them at all. For the ECB President, the economic and financial rules did in no way cause the “breakdown of the whole system” as predicted by Kaldor; in fact, he still has an extremely high opinion of them. That’s why he concludes his speech by stating that if we want a more political union “we must, in the first place, abide by the rules currently in force”. Here is the vicious circle that preserves the status quo. The “stronger” institutions are apparently supposed to legitimise and glorify rules whose effects have already and in the most conspicuous way proved catastrophic: «Only by respecting rules – in the words of Draghi – we can build the necessary mutual trust for establishing future institutions». The relationship between Greece and Europe has extensively proven that such vision of things is not so much delusional as it is deceitful.

MEPs urge European leaders to secure the future of Greece

di sabato, Febbraio 14, 2015 0 , , Permalink

In a letter entitled “Greece, a new opportunity for Europe”, several Members of the European Parliament, from different Member States and different Political Groups (GUE/NGL, GREENS/EFA and S&D), urge European leaders to “secure the future of Greece within the European family, with full respect for democracy, social justice and solidarity.” The MEPs stress that “failing to do so will put the whole European project at risk.”

MEPs stated that “the Greek elections in January have opened up the possibility for change in Europe,” and they believe that “the cry for hope coming from the Greek people is the impetus we need for our continent to change course.”

The MEPs maintain that “EU institutions and national governments now face the failures of their response to the historically severe economic downturn in Greece, as well as in the development of economic policies that have widened inequalities and hampered the European project”. They “sincerely believe that solidarity should prevail and that we should make every effort to change the catastrophic course that has been set for Greece in recent years. If this is done effectively, then the whole of Europe will benefit.”

The signatories of this letter urge the European institutions and Member States to seize this opportunity and change course, learning from past mistakes.

The first signatories are (in alphabetical order):

Marina Albiol (GUE/NGL, ES)
Guillaume Balas (S&D, FR)
Sergio Cofferati (S&D, IT)
Pablo Iglesias (GUE/NGL, ES)
Eva Joly (Greens/EFA, FR)
Ska Keller (Greens/EFA, DE)
Edouard Martin (S&D, FR)
Marisa Matias (GUE/NGL, PT)
Liliana Rodrigues (S&D, PT)
Molly Scott Cato (Greens/EFA, UK)
Barbara Spinelli, (GUE/NGL, IT)
Marc Tarabella, (S&D, BE)
Ernest Urtasun (Greens/EFA, ES)

Greece, a new opportunity for Europe

di giovedì, Febbraio 12, 2015 0 , , , , Permalink

Version française

The Greek elections in January have opened up the possibility of change in Europe. After years of oppressive austerity and a misguided economic policy that has undermined our political and social stability, we believe that the cry for hope coming from the Greek people is the impetus we need for our continent to change course.

In recent years Greece has suffered from being the weakest link of a failed chain of events that have brought the eurozone to the brink of disaster and expelled millions of Europeans from our common project. The clear indication from the Greek people that they wish to reject these failed policies is a wakeup call to Europe as a whole.

The social and humanitarian crisis facing our continent has no precedent in Europe: widespread poverty, rampant unemployment and massive budgetary cuts in the most essential public services. Greece has lost 25% of its gross domestic product, and today thousands of people cannot meet their most basic needs.

In this situation, Europe, its institutions and its Member States cannot continue to blindly hide behind the program of the memorandum and the Troika, which failed in its actions and targets. Some voices in Europe try to convince us that Greece is the problem, but the true problems facing EU are unemployment, social inequality and debt. These are common European problems that demand a shared solution.

EU institutions and national governments face in Greece these days the failure of adequate answers to an historic severe economic downturn and the development of economic policies that have widened inequalities and hampered the European project.

This is why we sincerely believe that solidarity should prevail and that we should make every effort to change the catastrophic course that had been set for Greece in recent years. If this is done effectively then the whole of Europe will benefit.

Greece offers us the opportunity to put our citizens back at the core of the European project, reclaiming human dignity and placing it at the centre of our policies, as well as formulating responsible and timely solutions to the problems we are facing.

The threats made to the new Greek government in recent days are not acceptable; rather the EU institutions should respect the outcome of the latest elections and begin constructive negotiations with the new government.

Greece deserves some respite from the pressure on its public finance in order to respond to its humanitarian crisis, reduce its primary surplus target and restructure its massive debt. We urge governments and European institutions to reach an early agreement with the Greek government, allowing the country to meet its immediate financial needs and to have the time necessary to reach a new agreement.

In the crucial days to come, we urge European leaders to secure the future of Greece within the European family with full respect to democracy, social justice and solidarity. Failing to do so will put the whole European project at risk.

Greece offers a democratic and social opportunity to Europe. We urge the European institutions and Member States to seize this opportunity and to no longer persist in past mistakes.

First signatures:

Marina Albiol (GUE/NGL, ES)
Guillaume Balas (S&D, FR)
Sergio Cofferati (S&D, IT)
Pablo Iglesias (GUE/NGL, ES)
Eva Joly (Greens/EFA, FR)
Ska Keller (Greens/EFA, DE)
Edouard Martin (S&D, FR)
Marisa Matias (GUE/NGL, PT)
Liliana Rodrigues (S&D, PT)
Molly Scott Cato (Greens/EFA, UK)
Barbara Spinelli, (GUE/NGL, IT)
Marc Tarabella, (S&D, BE)
Ernest Urtasun (Greens/EFA, ES)

Grèce, une opportunité nouvelle pour l’Europe

Le résultat des élections grecques a ouvert la voie au changement en Europe. Après des années d’austérité inefficace et une politique économique qui n’a cessé d’aggraver la situation politique et sociale, nous considérons que les demandes exprimées par la Grèce peuvent aider le continent à changer le cours des choses.

Ces dernières années, la Grèce a fait l’objet de décisions inadaptées qui se sont traduites par une série d’échecs successifs retentissants. Ces politiques ont amené la zone euro au bord du gouffre et exclu plusieurs millions d’Européens de notre projet commun.

La crise sociale et humanitaire à laquelle est confronté notre continent est sans précédent en Europe: pauvreté qui explose, chômage endémique et coupes budgétaires massives dans les services publics de base. La Grèce a perdu plus de 25% de son Produit Intérieur Brut (PIB) et plusieurs milliers de personnes ne peuvent satisfaire à leurs besoins essentiels.

Dans ce contexte, l’Europe, ses institutions et ses Etats membres ne peuvent continuer à se cacher honteusement derrière le programme de la troïka qui s’est soldé par un échec et n’a atteint aucun de ses objectifs. Certaines voix en Europe essaient de nous faire croire que la Grèce serait le problème, alors que le chômage, les inégalités sociales et la question de la dette sont les vrais défis à relever pour l’Union européenne.

Les institutions européennes et les gouvernements nationaux sont actuellement confrontés au résultat de réponses inadéquates apportées à la crise économique la plus grave depuis celle de 1929. Or les politiques menées ont accru les inégalités et mis en danger le projet européen.

La Grèce lance un appel au sursaut à l’Europe entière.

C’est pourquoi nous estimons que la solidarité doit prévaloir et que tous les efforts doivent être entrepris pour parvenir à un accord avec le gouvernement Grec afin de mettre un terme aux errements qui ont conduit à la situation catastrophique du pays. Toute l’Europe profiterait de ce changement politique.

La Grèce est aujourd’hui notre chance de replacer les citoyens au cœur du projet européen en repositionnant la dignité humaine au centre de nos politiques tout en apportant des réponses concrètes et crédibles aux problèmes qui nous sont posés.

Les menaces proférées ces derniers jours à l’encontre du gouvernement Grec ne sont pas acceptables: les institutions européennes doivent respecter le résultat des dernières élections et entamer des négociations constructives avec le gouvernement nouvellement élu.

La Grèce doit pouvoir bénéficier d’un allègement de sa dette publique pour faire face à la crise humanitaire qui sévit actuellement, à travers une réduction des objectifs assignés en termes de surplus de son solde budgétaire primaire et une restructuration de sa dette. Nous appelons les gouvernements et les institutions européennes à s’engager en faveur d’un accord rapide avec le gouvernement Grec afin de permettre au pays d’assumer ses besoins financiers immédiats avant d’envisager dans un second temps les modalités d’un accord plus global.

Les jours à venir s’avéreront cruciaux, nous demandons aux dirigeants européens de garantir l’avenir de la Grèce au sein de la famille européenne en respectant pleinement la démocratie, la justice sociale et la solidarité. Nous n’avons pas le droit à l’échec: la survie du projet européen est en jeu.

La Grèce offre une opportunité démocratique et sociale à l’Europe. Nous appelons les responsables européens à saisir cettechanceen tournant définitivement le dos aux erreurs passées et à l’impasse de l’austérité.

Premières signatures:

Marina Albiol (GUE/NGL, ES)
Guillaume Balas (S&D, FR)
Sergio Cofferati (S&D, IT)
Pablo Iglesias (GUE/NGL, ES)
Eva Joly (Greens/Efa, FR)
Ska Keller (Greens/EFA, DE)
Marisa Matias (GUE/NGL, PT)
Edouard Martin, (S&D, FR)
Liliana Rodrigues (S&D, PT)
Molly Scott Cato (Greens/EFA, UK)
Barbara Spinelli, (GUE/NGL, IT)
Marc Tarabella, (S&D, BE)
Ernest Urtasun (Greens/EFA, ES)